Wednesday, August 1, 2012

Cochise Mentors/Early Years


By 1830, Cochise was entering into the summer of his existence, and although not a major leader as of yet his leadership skills were being fine honed through a combination of archetypes as warrior/seeker, lover/seeker, destroyer/creator as well as major events that would mold his personality /temperament. Resumption of conflict with Sonora/Chihuahua became a critical issue. Mexican Independence from Spain occurred on September 26, 1821, and dramatic shifted relations as the newly form Mexican Government was by the end of the decade unable to sustain financially the Spanish policy of providing material rations for the Apaches in the form of beef, grain, corn and cotton.  This led the Chiricahuas to revert back to their eighteenth raiding economy which however proved to be a slippery slope as it triggered a return to avenging Apache losses by attacking Mexican villages, haciendas, and ranches. Apache families cried out for honoring  their fallen loved ones by organizing  Mexican retributions which besides killing and looting involved seizing  Mexican children, males and females, who were brought back to their Bands and raised as Apaches. Similarly Mexican leaders retaliated by orchestrating military expeditions into Apacheria raiding, killing, ands capturing Apaches for working in the mines or providing domestic service for the wealthy in central Mexico. The “Fifty Year” war became increasingly ugly and would continue until the surrender of Geronimo in 1886. Hotspots were Fronteras in Sonora, Janos in Chihuahua, and the hated Santa Rita del Cobre mine in western New Mexico located in the heart of Mangas Coloradas territory. Apaches loathed the miners who were crude, vulgar and had no respect for the Gaans who lived in the mountains. The Sonorans were particularly hostile to the Chiricahuas and by the 1830’s implemented a genocidal policy that was particularly cruel and harsh involving the hiring of Bounty Hunters consisting of Mexicans, Indians and whites often at the lead. Pindah’s came into the southwest first as hunters/trappers/miners and then as Comancheros or traders who did business with the Apaches providing them with guns/whiskey and vital information about the movement of Mexican troops for stolen Mexican property. Cochise as a young man watches the unfolding of this war with Sonora, and to a lesser extent Chihuahua, which favored a peace policy, and the impact it was having on his people in terms of deaths. Cochise also watched how different Band leaders struggled with the matter of continuing the war, and how it split the People between those leaders who favored war versus those who sought making an accommodation. The war leaders included his Chokonen father Pisago Cabezon and Mangas Coloradas who led the Chihennes/Bedonkohes. Mangas went by two names. Initially Fuerte, Spanish for strong/brave/stout, and later Red Sleeve( Mangas Coloradas) either for his penchant to wear red or because of the legend that in one encounter  he covered his right arm in the blood of his Mexican enemy.(Cf,. Sweeney, MC, chps.2-4; Wellman, Death in the Desert p.6) Ironically, Cochise after his marriage to Mangas daughter, Dos –teh-se, drew closer to Mangas than Pisago. Mangas became for Cochise a sage or mentor who taught him how to think strategically, to weigh all sides, and to exercise prudence and discernment in making war. Mangas was aware that if the Apaches were to survive that they had to abandon their inter-tribal rivalry and unify. It was with this strategy in mind that he married off his daughters to key Apache /Navajo leaders. Mangas had keen political/geopolitical wariness, savvy in playing Chihuahua off against Sonora, and using the lands and mountains of western New Mexico as impregnable strongholds to retreat to, and to launch campaigns against Sonora and Chihuahua. Later with the arrival of the Americans he found himself manipulating and orchestrating across four states/territories, yet struggled over how best to respond to the Americans who like the Apaches were a warrior culture but with a technological sophistication making them much more dangerous than the Mexicans. Unlike Cochise, Mangas like the limelight, tended to be flamboyant, and this characteristic in part flowed from his great physical size of 6’6” with a massive torso and head .In 1851, Mangas had received from John R. Bartlett, US Boundary Commissioner, “a frock coat lined with scarlet and ornamented with guilt buttons” which gave him immense pleasure in displaying to his people until losing it to another Apache gambling. (Cf, Sweeney, MC, pp232-33).

The other Apache leader that had significant impact on Cochise’s development was Miguel Narbona who replaced Pisago Cabezon as head of the Chokonens by the 1840’s. Miguel Narbona has a fascinating history and embodies many cultural metaphors pertaining to the Apache/Mexican animus. He was a Chokonen by birth. When quite young Miguel was captured in1812 by Sonoran troops under a famous military leader by the name of Antonio Narbona whose name he carried. In the war between Apache/Mexican taking prisoners on both sides was common. (Cf, Sweeney, C, pp.406-07; Aleshire, C, p. 92.) For Mexican society it created a lucrative slave trade by which Apaches were sold to wealthy families as servants, or else they found themselves working in the harsh atmosphere of the mines. Mexicans captured by Apaches did better overall as young Mexicans were raised Apache, women could marry Apache men and even “slaves” could in time gain their independence. It was Miguel Narbona who captured Merejildo Grijalva who was raised by Cochise, but left at eighteen to scout against his adopted father. Antonio Narbona was raised Mexican, but in 1822 he ran away and made his way back to his family band. Being raised Mexican meant that he spoke Spanish, understood the Mexican lifestyle of patriarchy, sexism, and was embittered by the racism he experience being Apache.  Narbona too was shocked by the “punishing” nature of the Catholic “God so different from the compassionate Life Giver, Ussen. Miguel Narbona, too, never recovered from the Mexican penchant for the restrictive /limiting architecture of their rancheros with square rooms, low hanging ceilings so different from the Apache lifestyle of openness and community which was to be found in the circular, egalitarian design of the Wickiup. By the 1840’s, Miguel emerged as war leader of the Chokenen’s with Cochise as his lieutenant. Cochise’s father Pisago Cabezon had aged, and was seeking accommodation with the Mexicans to the chagrin of Cochise. Cochise learned from Miguel many secrets about inspiring followers, winning their loyalty and allegiance. This included having a successful track record against the Mexicans, taking few losses, being generous with the distribution of Mexican booty among the needy Chokonens, and above all else being brave in battle. Miguel Narbona embodied all of these qualities which his understudy Cochise soon would transcend. Cochise bravery was testified by his body d being peppered by many scars from Mexicans/Pindah bullets. Cochise had a slight hunch from an arrow that came from a Comanche. Making Cochise even more imposing was his emphasis on truth; he could not tolerate lying and was known to kill those who lied or disobeyed him. His temper was legendary! As Cochise was crafting his leadership style among the Chiricahuas he was particularly influenced by the intangibles of “greatness”: vision, action and trust. Cochise vision was influenced by Pisago Cabezon and Mangas Coloradas desire to preserve the “Apache Way”, Cochise learned that it could best be accomplished through a combination of diplomacy and war, studying the strengths/weakness of the enemy. Cochise realized that vision without action was meaningless and this was the great contribution of Miguel Narbona. From Narbona he learned the secrets of campaign organization/planning, the tactical advantage of surprise by deceiving pursuers about numbers and size; creating illusions of vulnerability as a way to bait the enemy, confusing pursuers by vanishing into the desert/mountainous landscape, and being ever vigilant through an extensive network of scouting and mirror signaling and communications with those who traded with the Apache. Nothing went on within Cochise’s territory that he was not informed about days in advance making him an elusive adversary. Cochise too recognized the importance of discipline which ran contrary to the Apache ethos of absolute freedom and independence. His presence and medicine among his people was so persuasive that very few thought of deserting him for another. Cochise was indebted to Miguel for saving his life in 1848 during the Mexican-American War. Cochise and Miguel had like “coyote” become arrogant about the fighting ability of the Sonorans viewing them as sheep as they sought revenge for their atrocities against the residents of Fronteras. This arrogance led Cochise to be captured and placed in a cave under the Fronteras Presidio. Miguel rallied the Chokonens in behalf of Cochise starving Fronteras into releasing Cochise August 11, 1848.The residents of Fronteras were so fearful of further Apache reprisals that they fled to the larger town of Bacoachi. (Cf, Aleshire, C pp/69-72; Sweeney, M, pp.153-55). Narbona would lead the Chokenen’s until 1856 when he died being replaced by Cochise. Cochise would lead for nearly twenty years until his death in 1874, and drew heavily on his relationship with Narbona and Mangas Coloradas. His ties with Mangas lasted until 1863, when under a flag of peace, Mangas Coloradas was arrested at Fort McLean killed, and mutilated, by the American military.

Two other events that would scar Cochise making him intuitively suspicious of the newly arrived Americans, and confirming his deep loathing for Mexicans were the John Johnson killings in 1837 and James Kirker butchery in 1846. As the war between the Apaches and the two Mexican states of Sonora/Chihuahua intensified in the 1830’s/40’s, Mexican authorities began to implement a policy of extermination as the smartest way to end the Apache problem. They turned to the Gringos who were just appearing in the southwest panning for gold or trade or land, and began to hire them as bounty hunters enticing them with pesos/booty for Apache scalps. The bounty for scalps was 100 pesos for males, 50 for women, and 25 for children. In most cases scalps were never differentiated and it was Apache children, women, elderly and even friendly Indians who were most at risk. John Johnson was a trader who came from Missouri and settled in Montezuma, Chihuahua, in 1827; married and became involved in trade. In 1837, Johnson with seventeen fellow Missourians and five Mexicans decided to pursue Juan Jose Compas Mimbreno’s Band who had stolen Mexican livestock, and were making their way back to their stronghold in the vicinity of Santa Rita del Cobre. Governor Escalante y Arvizu of Sonora gave Johnson permission to go after the Apaches by offering Johnson half of whatever he took. Johnson caught up with the Apaches in the Animus Mountains, a favorite range for the Apaches as they moved across New Mexico/Chihuahua. Johnson after several days of trading/partying decided to bring out the whiskey, and later a small canon hidden turning it on the Apaches as they approached the sacks of corn meal located in the center of the plaza leading to the death of Juan Jose Compa and nineteenth others. The irony was that Juan Jose Compa was a peaceful leader, who had been corrupted by Mexican handouts at Santa Rita Copper mines managed by Robert Mc Knight; his death catapulted Mangas Coloradas into the leading Chiricahua leader who would be relentless in his furor against Mexicans.  Johnson’s deception would poison relations with the Apaches leading to greater retaliation and making Mangas Coloradas, Miguel Narbona and Cochise skeptical of the Pindah. (Cf, Rex W. Strickland, “Birth and Death of A Legend, The ‘Johnson Massacre’ of 1837”, Arizona and the West, V 18,#3, Autumn,1976).

It was at this time that Mangas replaced his name Fuerte (manly, strong, and stout) with Mangas Coloradas, and orchestrated along with Pisago Cabezon his revenge on Americans and Mexicans for the death of Juan Jose Compa. He first struck at American trappers along the Gila River. Twenty-two led by Charles Kemp were ambushed and mutilated by the Mimbreno’s. Three other Americans including Benjamin D. Wilson were cut off and captured, and then released by Mangus Coloradas perhaps as a warning to other Pindah to stay away from Mimbreno’s country? Or perhaps it reflected a struggle within Mangus of how best to respond to Americans bringing guns and bullets. Next he turned his attention to Santa Rita Copper mines. In 1838, Mangas did this by starving the community out which was totally dependent on outside supplies coming from Janos, Chihuahua. He destroyed all pack train entering /leaving Santa Rita. In time the inhabitants, numbering 3-400, had no other choice but to flee southward but became so bogged down by material things that most perished before arriving at Janos.( Cf, Wellman, Death in the Desert, pp1-20; Edwin R. Sweeney, M, p.80. questions the veracity of whether or not there was a “massacre”). The mine however was abandoned.

For Cochise however far worse than the Johnson massacre was the James Kirker slaughter involving the death of his father, Pisago Cabezon, mother, and 130 other Chiricahuas at Galeana in 1846? James Kirker was an Irish immigrant who made his way west opening a grocery store in St. Louis Missouri in 1821. He then became involved in the fur trade taking him into the southern Rockies, to Taos and Santa Fe. He soon joined with Robert McKnight owner of the Santa Rita Copper mines of New Mexico, where he served as teamster supply leader between it and Chihuahua City. He learned Apache as a middle man selling guns, whiskey and cloth for contraband which he sold in Texas. He became a Mexican citizen, married a Mexican and settled in Janos. His relations with Mexican officials, however, tended to be strained because of disagreement over his trading with Apaches and bounty money matters. As conflict between Mexicans and Apaches worsen in the 1830’s, Sonora/Chihuahua decided on a policy of Apache extermination turning to men like Kirker who knew the Apaches, to implement their policy of “ethnic cleansing” by offering them a lucrative bounty for scalps thus giving birth to a “horrific profession.” Chihuahua even levied a tax to outfit Kirker’s scalping enterprise. Throughout the 1840’s Kirker and his followers attacked different Apache camps with varying results, but the worse of these “scalping parties” would occur at Galeana on July 7, 1846, in which Pisago Cabezon trusting Kirker from past dealings was enticed to trade and drink under the pretense of peace. On the third morning of the fiesta as the Apaches awoke from a drunken stupor they were greeted by Kirker, and his band of scalp hunters with clubs, pistols and knives, and in the mayhem Pisago Cabezon and Cochise’s mother were scalped and mutilated. Cochise was devastated by these losses. Galeana would intensify his Mexican hatred, and increase his suspicion of the Pindah. Cochise experienced Kirker as a crazed/wild eyed American racial “serial killer”, whereas Kirker saw Indians as “untamed animals” and their Mexican brown “cousins” barely removed from the wilderness. This massacre painfully impacted the Chokonens as described by Jason Betzinez “as the ghastly butchering of our families.” (Jason Betzinez & Wilber Sturtevant Nye, I fought With Geronimo, p1.) No family escaped untouched! Ironically it would unify all Chiricahua Bands, ending the tension between war and peace leaders, to avenge the death of their family members. It would accelerate the emergence of Cochise as a major war leader who at thirty-five was entering into his prime. Kirker was never paid by state of Chihuahua for Galeana scalps. He then joined the American Army serving as a scout during the Mexican- American War, 1846-48. When the war ended he left for California where he died relatively unknown in Contra Costa County in 1852. (Cf., Ralph Adam Smith, Borderlander, The Life of James Kirker, 1793-1852). For the next two years, 1847-48, Miguel Narbona and Cochise would turn the northern frontier of Sonora into a wasteland following Galeana. Fronteras, Cuquiarachi and Chinapa were attacked. Villagers abandoned Cuquiarachi whereas Chinapa was burnt to the ground. Antonio Narbona would lose his life fighting his adopted son in Fronteras. (Cf., Sweeney, C, pp,59-64).

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