By
1830, Cochise was entering into the summer of his existence, and although not a
major leader as of yet his leadership skills were being fine honed through a
combination of archetypes as warrior/seeker, lover/seeker, destroyer/creator as
well as major events that would mold his personality /temperament. Resumption
of conflict with Sonora/Chihuahua became a critical issue. Mexican Independence
from Spain occurred on September 26, 1821, and dramatic shifted relations as the
newly form Mexican Government was by the end of the decade unable to sustain
financially the Spanish policy of providing material rations for the Apaches in
the form of beef, grain, corn and cotton.
This led the Chiricahuas to revert back to their eighteenth raiding
economy which however proved to be a slippery slope as it triggered a return to
avenging Apache losses by attacking Mexican villages, haciendas, and ranches.
Apache families cried out for honoring their fallen loved ones by organizing Mexican retributions which besides killing
and looting involved seizing Mexican
children, males and females, who were brought back to their Bands and raised as
Apaches. Similarly Mexican leaders retaliated by orchestrating military
expeditions into Apacheria raiding, killing, ands capturing Apaches for working
in the mines or providing domestic service for the wealthy in central Mexico.
The “Fifty Year” war became increasingly ugly and would continue until the
surrender of Geronimo in 1886. Hotspots were Fronteras in Sonora, Janos in
Chihuahua, and the hated Santa Rita del Cobre mine in western New Mexico
located in the heart of Mangas Coloradas territory. Apaches loathed the miners
who were crude, vulgar and had no respect for the Gaans who lived in the
mountains. The Sonorans were particularly hostile to the Chiricahuas and by the
1830’s implemented a genocidal policy that was particularly cruel and harsh
involving the hiring of Bounty Hunters consisting of Mexicans, Indians and
whites often at the lead. Pindah’s came into the southwest first as
hunters/trappers/miners and then as Comancheros or traders who did business with
the Apaches providing them with guns/whiskey and vital information about the
movement of Mexican troops for stolen Mexican property. Cochise as a young man
watches the unfolding of this war with Sonora, and to a lesser extent Chihuahua,
which favored a peace policy, and the impact it was having on his people in
terms of deaths. Cochise also watched how different Band leaders struggled with
the matter of continuing the war, and how it split the People between those
leaders who favored war versus those who sought making an accommodation. The
war leaders included his Chokonen father Pisago Cabezon and Mangas Coloradas
who led the Chihennes/Bedonkohes. Mangas went by two names. Initially Fuerte,
Spanish for strong/brave/stout, and later Red Sleeve( Mangas Coloradas) either
for his penchant to wear red or because of the legend that in one
encounter he covered his right arm in
the blood of his Mexican enemy.(Cf,. Sweeney, MC, chps.2-4; Wellman, Death
in the Desert p.6) Ironically, Cochise after his marriage to Mangas
daughter, Dos –teh-se, drew closer to Mangas than Pisago. Mangas became for
Cochise a sage or mentor who taught him how to think strategically, to weigh
all sides, and to exercise prudence and discernment in making war. Mangas was
aware that if the Apaches were to survive that they had to abandon their
inter-tribal rivalry and unify. It was with this strategy in mind that he
married off his daughters to key Apache /Navajo leaders. Mangas had keen
political/geopolitical wariness, savvy in playing Chihuahua off against Sonora,
and using the lands and mountains of western New Mexico as impregnable
strongholds to retreat to, and to launch campaigns against Sonora and
Chihuahua. Later with the arrival of the Americans he found himself
manipulating and orchestrating across four states/territories, yet struggled
over how best to respond to the Americans who like the Apaches were a warrior
culture but with a technological sophistication making them much more dangerous
than the Mexicans. Unlike Cochise, Mangas like the limelight, tended to be
flamboyant, and this characteristic in part flowed from his great physical size
of 6’6” with a massive torso and head .In 1851, Mangas had received from John
R. Bartlett, US Boundary Commissioner, “a frock coat lined with scarlet and
ornamented with guilt buttons” which gave him immense pleasure in displaying to
his people until losing it to another Apache gambling. (Cf, Sweeney, MC,
pp232-33).
The
other Apache leader that had significant impact on Cochise’s development was
Miguel Narbona who replaced Pisago Cabezon as head of the Chokonens by the
1840’s. Miguel Narbona has a fascinating history and embodies many cultural
metaphors pertaining to the Apache/Mexican animus. He was a Chokonen by birth.
When quite young Miguel was captured in1812 by Sonoran troops under a famous
military leader by the name of Antonio Narbona whose name he carried. In the
war between Apache/Mexican taking prisoners on both sides was common. (Cf,
Sweeney, C, pp.406-07; Aleshire, C, p. 92.) For Mexican society
it created a lucrative slave trade by which Apaches were sold to wealthy
families as servants, or else they found themselves working in the harsh
atmosphere of the mines. Mexicans captured by Apaches did better overall as
young Mexicans were raised Apache, women could marry Apache men and even
“slaves” could in time gain their independence. It was Miguel Narbona who
captured Merejildo Grijalva who was raised by Cochise, but left at eighteen to
scout against his adopted father. Antonio Narbona was raised Mexican, but in
1822 he ran away and made his way back to his family band. Being raised Mexican
meant that he spoke Spanish, understood the Mexican lifestyle of patriarchy,
sexism, and was embittered by the racism he experience being Apache. Narbona too was shocked by the “punishing”
nature of the Catholic “God so different from the compassionate Life Giver,
Ussen. Miguel Narbona, too, never recovered from the Mexican penchant for the restrictive
/limiting architecture of their rancheros with square rooms, low hanging
ceilings so different from the Apache lifestyle of openness and community which
was to be found in the circular, egalitarian design of the Wickiup. By the
1840’s, Miguel emerged as war leader of the Chokenen’s with Cochise as his
lieutenant. Cochise’s father Pisago Cabezon had aged, and was seeking
accommodation with the Mexicans to the chagrin of Cochise. Cochise learned from
Miguel many secrets about inspiring followers, winning their loyalty and
allegiance. This included having a successful track record against the Mexicans,
taking few losses, being generous with the distribution of Mexican booty among
the needy Chokonens, and above all else being brave in battle. Miguel Narbona
embodied all of these qualities which his understudy Cochise soon would
transcend. Cochise bravery was testified by his body d being peppered by many scars
from Mexicans/Pindah bullets. Cochise had a slight hunch from an arrow that
came from a Comanche. Making Cochise even more imposing was his emphasis on
truth; he could not tolerate lying and was known to kill those who lied or
disobeyed him. His temper was legendary! As Cochise was crafting his leadership
style among the Chiricahuas he was particularly influenced by the intangibles
of “greatness”: vision, action and trust. Cochise vision was influenced by
Pisago Cabezon and Mangas Coloradas desire to preserve the “Apache Way”,
Cochise learned that it could best be accomplished through a combination of
diplomacy and war, studying the strengths/weakness of the enemy. Cochise
realized that vision without action was meaningless and this was the great
contribution of Miguel Narbona. From Narbona he learned the secrets of campaign
organization/planning, the tactical advantage of surprise by deceiving pursuers
about numbers and size; creating illusions of vulnerability as a way to bait
the enemy, confusing pursuers by vanishing into the desert/mountainous
landscape, and being ever vigilant through an extensive network of scouting and
mirror signaling and communications with those who traded with the Apache.
Nothing went on within Cochise’s territory that he was not informed about days
in advance making him an elusive adversary. Cochise too recognized the
importance of discipline which ran contrary to the Apache ethos of absolute freedom
and independence. His presence and medicine among his people was so persuasive that
very few thought of deserting him for another. Cochise was indebted to Miguel
for saving his life in 1848 during the Mexican-American War. Cochise and Miguel
had like “coyote” become arrogant about the fighting ability of the Sonorans
viewing them as sheep as they sought revenge for their atrocities against the
residents of Fronteras. This arrogance led Cochise to be captured and placed in
a cave under the Fronteras Presidio. Miguel rallied the Chokonens in behalf of
Cochise starving Fronteras into releasing Cochise August 11, 1848.The residents
of Fronteras were so fearful of further Apache reprisals that they fled to the
larger town of Bacoachi. (Cf, Aleshire, C pp/69-72; Sweeney, M,
pp.153-55). Narbona would lead the Chokenen’s until 1856 when he died being
replaced by Cochise. Cochise would lead for nearly twenty years until his death
in 1874, and drew heavily on his relationship with Narbona and Mangas Coloradas.
His ties with Mangas lasted until 1863, when under a flag of peace, Mangas
Coloradas was arrested at Fort McLean killed, and mutilated, by the American
military.
Two
other events that would scar Cochise making him intuitively suspicious of the
newly arrived Americans, and confirming his deep loathing for Mexicans were the
John Johnson killings in 1837 and James Kirker butchery in 1846. As the war
between the Apaches and the two Mexican states of Sonora/Chihuahua intensified
in the 1830’s/40’s, Mexican authorities began to implement a policy of
extermination as the smartest way to end the Apache problem. They turned to the
Gringos who were just appearing in the southwest panning for gold or trade or
land, and began to hire them as bounty hunters enticing them with pesos/booty
for Apache scalps. The bounty for scalps was 100 pesos for males, 50 for women,
and 25 for children. In most cases scalps were never differentiated and it was
Apache children, women, elderly and even friendly Indians who were most at
risk. John Johnson was a trader who came from Missouri and settled in Montezuma,
Chihuahua, in 1827; married and became involved in trade. In 1837, Johnson with
seventeen fellow Missourians and five Mexicans decided to pursue Juan Jose
Compas Mimbreno’s Band who had stolen Mexican livestock, and were making their
way back to their stronghold in the vicinity of Santa Rita del Cobre. Governor
Escalante y Arvizu of Sonora gave Johnson permission to go after the Apaches by
offering Johnson half of whatever he took. Johnson caught up with the Apaches
in the Animus Mountains, a favorite range for the Apaches as they moved across
New Mexico/Chihuahua. Johnson after several days of trading/partying decided to
bring out the whiskey, and later a small canon hidden turning it on the Apaches
as they approached the sacks of corn meal located in the center of the plaza leading
to the death of Juan Jose Compa and nineteenth others. The irony was that Juan
Jose Compa was a peaceful leader, who had been corrupted by Mexican handouts at
Santa Rita Copper mines managed by Robert Mc Knight; his death catapulted
Mangas Coloradas into the leading Chiricahua leader who would be relentless in
his furor against Mexicans. Johnson’s
deception would poison relations with the Apaches leading to greater retaliation
and making Mangas Coloradas, Miguel Narbona and Cochise skeptical of the Pindah.
(Cf, Rex W. Strickland, “Birth and Death of A Legend, The ‘Johnson Massacre’ of
1837”, Arizona and the West, V 18,#3, Autumn,1976).
It
was at this time that Mangas replaced his name Fuerte (manly, strong, and stout)
with Mangas Coloradas, and orchestrated along with Pisago Cabezon his revenge
on Americans and Mexicans for the death of Juan Jose Compa. He first struck at
American trappers along the Gila River. Twenty-two led by Charles Kemp were
ambushed and mutilated by the Mimbreno’s. Three other Americans including
Benjamin D. Wilson were cut off and captured, and then released by Mangus
Coloradas perhaps as a warning to other Pindah to stay away from Mimbreno’s
country? Or perhaps it reflected a struggle within Mangus of how best to
respond to Americans bringing guns and bullets. Next he turned his attention to
Santa Rita Copper mines. In 1838, Mangas did this by starving the community out
which was totally dependent on outside supplies coming from Janos, Chihuahua.
He destroyed all pack train entering /leaving Santa Rita. In time the
inhabitants, numbering 3-400, had no other choice but to flee southward but
became so bogged down by material things that most perished before arriving at
Janos.( Cf, Wellman, Death in the Desert, pp1-20; Edwin R. Sweeney, M,
p.80. questions the veracity of whether or not there was a “massacre”). The
mine however was abandoned.
For
Cochise however far worse than the Johnson massacre was the James Kirker
slaughter involving the death of his father, Pisago Cabezon, mother, and 130
other Chiricahuas at Galeana in 1846? James Kirker was an Irish immigrant who
made his way west opening a grocery store in St. Louis Missouri in 1821. He
then became involved in the fur trade taking him into the southern Rockies, to
Taos and Santa Fe. He soon joined with Robert McKnight owner of the Santa Rita
Copper mines of New Mexico, where he served as teamster supply leader between
it and Chihuahua City. He learned Apache as a middle man selling guns, whiskey
and cloth for contraband which he sold in Texas. He became a Mexican citizen,
married a Mexican and settled in Janos. His relations with Mexican officials,
however, tended to be strained because of disagreement over his trading with
Apaches and bounty money matters. As conflict between Mexicans and Apaches
worsen in the 1830’s, Sonora/Chihuahua decided on a policy of Apache
extermination turning to men like Kirker who knew the Apaches, to implement
their policy of “ethnic cleansing” by offering them a lucrative bounty for
scalps thus giving birth to a “horrific profession.” Chihuahua even levied a
tax to outfit Kirker’s scalping enterprise. Throughout the 1840’s Kirker and
his followers attacked different Apache camps with varying results, but the worse
of these “scalping parties” would occur at Galeana on July 7, 1846, in which
Pisago Cabezon trusting Kirker from past dealings was enticed to trade and
drink under the pretense of peace. On the third morning of the fiesta as the
Apaches awoke from a drunken stupor they were greeted by Kirker, and his band
of scalp hunters with clubs, pistols and knives, and in the mayhem Pisago
Cabezon and Cochise’s mother were scalped and mutilated. Cochise was devastated
by these losses. Galeana would intensify his Mexican hatred, and increase his
suspicion of the Pindah. Cochise experienced Kirker as a crazed/wild eyed
American racial “serial killer”, whereas Kirker saw Indians as “untamed animals”
and their Mexican brown “cousins” barely removed from the wilderness. This massacre
painfully impacted the Chokonens as described by Jason Betzinez “as the ghastly
butchering of our families.” (Jason Betzinez & Wilber Sturtevant Nye, I
fought With Geronimo, p1.) No family escaped untouched! Ironically it would
unify all Chiricahua Bands, ending the tension between war and peace leaders,
to avenge the death of their family members. It would accelerate the emergence
of Cochise as a major war leader who at thirty-five was entering into his
prime. Kirker was never paid by state of Chihuahua for Galeana scalps. He then
joined the American Army serving as a scout during the Mexican- American War,
1846-48. When the war ended he left for California where he died relatively
unknown in Contra Costa County in 1852. (Cf., Ralph Adam Smith, Borderlander,
The Life of James Kirker, 1793-1852). For the next two years, 1847-48,
Miguel Narbona and Cochise would turn the northern frontier of Sonora into a
wasteland following Galeana. Fronteras, Cuquiarachi and Chinapa were attacked.
Villagers abandoned Cuquiarachi whereas Chinapa was burnt to the ground.
Antonio Narbona would lose his life fighting his adopted son in Fronteras.
(Cf., Sweeney, C, pp,59-64).
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